Mi'kmaq Resource Centre

On November 11, Remembrance Day in Canada, we recall the efforts of the following Native veterans in both the First and Second World Wars:

World War I: 1914-1918

World War II 1939-1945

Korean War:1950 - 1953

Vietnam War: 1960-1975

All efforts were made to make this list of veterans as complete as possible with the assistance of Millbrook First Nation's War Memorial.

"In 1942, Kji Sagamaw Gabriel Sylliboy took political action again. He wrote a letter to Canadian Prime Minister MacKenzie King, appealing for the exemption of Mi'kmaq men from compulsory military training. The Grand Chief wrote:

"...This is my direct personal appeal to you on behalf of my Nova Scotia Micmac Indians, for exemption from compulsory Military Training...Personally, I was never informed of existing Regulations, as a matter of fact, I was reasonably assured by our local Indian Agent, that my Indians will not be affected. As you may know, in the last war Indians were fully exempted from conscription. In my humble opinion, however I do not believe, that the existing National War Services Regulations were ever intended to include Indians. I am proud and always endeavoured to be a loyal Canadian Indian, under the British flag; but I am certainly not recognized as a Canadian Citizen, or an "Ordinary Resident" in Canada. I am not an immigrant, and according to the Indian Act, I am not even recognized as a "person". Consequently, in my humble judgement the words "Ordinary Resident" as used in National War Services Regulations, is not applicable to an Indian. I humbly ask you therefore, to be good enough to reconsider the decision of the Department of National War Services of September 8, 1942, as signed by Honourable J. T. Thorson."

Kji Sagamaw Sylliboy's request was granted, and Mi'kmaq were no longer obligated to participate in Canadian or British war efforts. However, this did not stop some Mi'kmaq from volunteering their services and going to war for a country that did not even recognize them as citizens. For some, going to war may have been an escape from the hardships of reservation life during the mid-twentieth century and also offered adventure, a chance to see the world and earn some money."

[Reprinted from the publication "The Tomorrow File" Volume 1, No. 3, November 30, 1983. The Tomorrow File was a monthly publication of the Tomorrow File Communications Group, an Indian owned, non-profit corporation in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan.

[This article discusses the too often ignored historical involvement of Indian people in the major conflicts in North America and in Europe. It begins with the Indians' alliances with French and British forces in the 18th and 19th centuries during the fur trade era and traces their participation up to World War I. Analysis of the large voluntary Indian participation in the so-called Great War is made. The deeds of the Indian soldiers are described. Monetary contributions to the war effort by bands are also documented.]

Canada entered World War I on 4 August 1914, almost a colony in regard to foreign policy as Great Britain made most decisions for this country. Canada's growing sense of independence during the war years and its separate membership in the League of Nations in 1919 is usually extolled as a vital step towards full nationhood. Many stories exist of Canadian participation in turbulent war years at home and abroad. One remarkable story, now almost forgotten, was the contribution of the Canadian Indian community to the war effort.

The role of Indians in military conflict was important to the European powers from the early days of the fur trade. To protect their own interests, Indian tribes allied themselves with the British and French forces in the 17th and early 18th century during those two countries' colonial rivalries.

After the conquest in 1759 and following the Proclamation of 1763, Great Britain made itself a protector of Indians in Canada. A British Indian Department had been established in North America under William Johnson in 1755.

During the American Revolution, the British used the Six Nations Indians, a confederacy organized among the Iroquois and Mohawk tribes, in their fight against the revolutionary forces between 1776-83.

These Indians, led by Joseph Brant, considered themselves allies of the British and loyal to the monarchy of George III.

Western tribes who hated the Americans continued to defend British interests in the unsettled Indian Territory west of the Ohio River until 1795. Great Britain responded by extending these tribes arms, aid, and protection.

But when the government decided to cede lands to the United States, many natives felt betrayed and deserted. Except for brief interludes in Upper Canada (1796-1816) and Lower Canada (1800-1816), control of Indian affairs remained under military authority until 1830 when responsibility was shifted to the civil government.

The need to use Indian warriors by the British military was again made obvious during the War in 1812. Tecumseh, a Shawnee chief, attempted to organize western tribes to fight the Americans. He himself lost his life at the battle of Moraviantown in 1813.

The Six Nations Indians fought at battles such as Queenston's Heights under General Brock, considered a critical encounter for the Canadian forces. They also battled at Beaver Dam, which in reality could be called "an Indian victory". Later, Caughnawaga Indians played a minor but significant part in the Rebellion of 1837-38 by repelling a rebel attack. These are just a few examples of the early sacrifices made by Indians in defense of Canada. But the Indian military record in the history of this country by no means ends here.

Following the end of World War I the following comments were made in a report of the Deputy Superintendent General for Indian Affairs:
"According to the official records of the department more than four thousand Indians enlisted for active service with the Canadian Expeditionary forces. This number represents approximately thirty-five per cent of the Indian male population of military age in the nine (Newfoundland was not yet a Canadian province) provinces, and it must be remembered, moreover, that there were undoubtedly cases of Indian enlistment which were not reported to the department. The Indian soldiers gave an excellent account of themselves at the front, and their officers have commended them most highly for their courage, intelligence, efficiency, stamina, and discipline. In daring and intrepidity they were second to none and their performance is a ringing rebuttal to the familiar assertion that the red man has deteriorated. The fine record of the Indians in the Great War appears in a peculiarly favourable light when it is remembered that their services were absolutely voluntary, as they were specially exempted from the operation of the Military Service Act, and that they were prepared to give their lives for their country without compulsion or even the fear of compulsion. It must also be borne in mind that a large part of the Indian population, located in remote and inaccessible locations, were unacquainted with the English language and were, therefore, not in a position to understand the character of the war, its cause or effect"

Indian participation was certainly outstanding given the relatively low level of voluntary enlistment nationwide among most Canadians with the exception of recent British immigrants or pro-British nationalists. None of the nine provinces showed as high percentage of volunteers as among Indians. This participation took place despite initial, active objections by the Militia Department that "they had better remain in Canada." While racial attitudes undoubtedly affected this response, official reasons for denying Indians the right to enlist included an expressed concern that Germans would not treat Indians like other combatants; and the British government could not ask for the support of Canadian Indians en masse because "such an appeal to all of the scattered remnants of tribes throughout the immense domain, and in their varying degrees of civilization, would be practically impossible." Nevertheless, many Indians did enlist despite the militia's reluctance to accept them.

On 10 December 1915 official policy changed because of the large number of applications from Indians, coupled with the military's growing need for new recruits. The distinguished record of Indians during the war ultimately led to a recommendation that Indian veterans be given the right to vote, suggesting that at least those who had served Canada well at the front now be considered equals. This altered viewpoint represents a considerable departure in attitude from but a few years before.

The record speaks loudly of the sacrifice made by many Indians throughout the country between 1914-18.

In the Maritimes, the entire Indian population numbered only 2,000. Yet, among the Nova Scotian Mi'kmaq of Sydney, Cape Breton, every eligible male enlisted. 9 of a total adult male population of 25 in Colchester County went to war. Comparable figures for Hants County was 6 of 16; for Lunenburg County, 11 of 19; for Pictou County 10 of 40; for Shelbourne County 3 of 8; Yarmouth County 3 of 12; and for the Mi'kmaq of Digby County 6 of 24.

Mi'kmaq and Maliseet bands in New Brunswick sent 62 of a total male population of 116 to the front, while 30 of 64 Prince Edward Island Indians joined. Thus, according to these figures, the overall enlistment rate in the Maritimes was approximately 43 percent, or probably nearly every eligible male.

Figures for Quebec are not as easily available. However, fragmentary enlistment figures also indicate a high Indian enlistment rate.

In Ontario, the pattern certainly parallels that of the Maritimes. Ojibway bands near present day Thunder Bay contributed 100 men from a total male population of 282, leaving but two eligible men on one reserve and a single eligible male on another by the time conscription was introduced in 1917.

Among the Chippewa of Rama, 38 of 110 males enlisted; for the Mississaugas of Rice Lake, 43 of 82; for the Moravians of the Thames, 42 of 79; for the Chippewa of the Saugeen, 48 of 110; and, for the Mississaugas of Scugog, the entire male population of 8 enlisted.

The Iroquois bands of Ontario likewise gave strong support to the war effort. Of the 292 men of the Six Nations who went to the front, 90 died. Mohawks from the Bay of Quinte had a high enlistment record too, with 82 men enlisting from a population of 353 males. Among the Oneidas, a total of 42 volunteered from a male population of 220.

By no means was Indian participation limited to eastern and central Canada. In Manitoba, the Peguis band volunteered 20 men from 118; The Pas band, 19 of 92; the St. Peter's band, 33 of 127; the Sioux band of Griswold, 20 of 84. Precise figures are not available for Alberta, while it is known that several hundred volunteers came from British Columbia. There were also Indian soldiers who came from the Yukon and the Northwest Territories

In Saskatchewan, the highest level of support came from members of the File Hills Indian Colony. Of the 38 total male population of the band, 24 joined. The Cote band near old Fort Pelly contributed 22 soldiers from an entire adult male population of 43.

Why so many Indians volunteered for service from throughout Canada is not entirely known. One factor is likely economic. Certainly, this particular motivation loomed prominently among Canadians-at-large who viewed the army as a 'job' at a time of recession and high unemployment between 1913-15. But other motives operated too. F.W. Jacobs, president of the Grand Indian Council in Ontario wrote to native chiefs throughout Ontario, pointing out:
"We as Indians are at a crucial stage of our lives, whilst our young men are at the front fighting the battles of our Noble King and our Country, we cannot say that they are fighting for our liberty, freedom, and other privileges so dear to all nations, for we have none...We Indians, like all humanity are endowed with the same instincts, same capabilities, and it only remains for the Government to give us a chance to develop those qualities."

Chief Jacobs suggests that Indian involvement in World War I may have been to prove their ability and thereby win social and economic equality by once more demonstrating Indian loyalty to Canada, this time in order to redress historic injustices.

As stated in the report of the Deputy Superintendent General, enlistment was "remarkable" because "a large part of the Indian population [was] located in remote and inaccessible locations, [were] unacquainted with the English language and were, therefore, not in a position to understand the character of war, its cause or effect." For example, approximately one hundred Indians came from the remote Hudson's Bay and Patricia districts of the north; some spoke no English whatsoever. One recruit, John Campbell, an inhabitant of the Arctic, is recorded as having come three thousand miles by trail, canoe, and river steamer to join the Canadian army in Vancouver.

What often distinguished Indians in battle during the Great War were traits and abilities directly related to their occupations and lifestyles.

They were generally excellent marksmen, able to adapt themselves well to "bad weather and awkward circumstances", "smart" and "well disciplined", exhibiting "extraordinary patience", "keen powers of observation and exceptional descriptive ability", "efficiency", "stamina", and "courage". A commanding officer of the Bull Moose Battalion (52nd) described his Indian soldiers as among "his very best".

The number of "heroes" among the native soldiers was high. Maritime Indians decorated with the Military Medal included Private Joseph W. Morris, also a winner of the Distinguished Conduct Medal, and Private James Francis. To name but a few others, Private Rod Cameron of the 52nd, a scout and sniper at the front and the best marksman among 12 battalions, was killed in action. Another member of the 52nd, Alexander Chief from Fort William (now Thunder Bay), received twelve wounds.

Military Medals were won for gallantry in action by Private Joseph Delaronde (52nd), Private Augustin Belanger (52nd), Corporal Thomas Godchere (102nd Scottish and the 94th), Lance Corporal Johnson Pandash (21st), Frank J. Sinclair, Corporal Robert Tobias, Captain A. G. E. Smith, Ignace Williams, and Austin Horse, all of Ontario. Also, Sgt. Leo Bouchart was given the Distinguished Conduct Medal while Francis Misiniskotewe received the Russian Medal.

Western Indians also had distinguished records. From Saskatchewan, Alexander Brass was awarded the Military Cross while Joe Thunder (128th), Joe Dreaver, and N. G. Sanderson received the Military Medal. Lance Corporal Norwest (50th) of Alberta received the Military Medal and Bar. And the Distinguished Service Medal was accorded Private George Mac Lean and Edwin Victor Cook while Dan Pearson won the Military Medal; these men were all from British Columbia. In all likelihood there were others left unmentioned in the written record.

The deeds of these Indian soldiers were exceptional. Among the most noteworthy was the performance of Corporal Francis Pegahmagabow, an Ojibwa from the Parry Sound District who, as a sniper, personally killed 378 enemy and participated in some of the bloodiest engagements of the war at Mount Sorrell, Amiens, and Passchendale. At Mount Sorrell where the Canadian corps won its "first clear cut victory of the war" at the price of 9600 casualties in less than two weeks, Corporal Pegahmagabow led his company in an assault which led to the capture of 300 Germans.

Others whose records as snipers were nearly as impressive were Lance-Corporal Pandash who shot 88 enemy soldiers, Private Philip McDonald of Winnipeg with 40 hits and Lance-Corporal Norwest with 115 hits. These two men died in action.

"One of the most gallant and unselfish deeds that is recorded in the annals of the Canadian forces" involved Sergeant Clear Sky, a professional vaudeville actor in civilian life who sang and danced for the troops. In a heavy gas attack, he crawled out into no man's land to where a wounded soldier had lost his gas mask. Although a gas attack was in progress, Clear Sky removed his own gas mask to save his comrade-in-arms. He himself was severely gassed as a result of his actions and later died as a consequence.

Another Indian soldier, Joe Thunder, separated from his platoon and surrounded, bayoneted six German attackers and escaped.

At the Battle of Cambrai, Dave Kisek ran a hundred yards into a German position armed with a machine gun, capturing 30 prisoners by himself. Elsewhere, Tom Longboat, Joe Keeper, and A. Jamieson, well-known Indian long distance runners, served as dispatch carriers as did John Nackaway, a former runner for the Hudson's Bay Company in the Territories.

These are but some of the exploits of Indian veterans who fought at such important battles as Vimy Ridge, Ypres, Cambrai, and others already mentioned.

The human toll was devastating. Most of those awarded medals were either killed in action or severely wounded. Casualty figures ran high among Indian soldiers, some terribly so. Every enlisted man from a single Nipigon reserve who was attached to the 52nd battalion became a casualty of the war. Soldiers were sometimes wounded on several different occasions. Mrs. Elijah Lickers of the Bearfoot Onondagas saw four sons, two grandsons, and a son-in-law go to the front; a son and grandson were killed. Mrs. Catherine General of the Six Nations had her husband, four sons, and two sons-in-law go overseas. These are but some of the sacrifices made in World War I.

Contributions to the war effort by Canadian Indians were not limited to the front. Bands and individuals throughout the country donated $44,545.66 to the Patriot, Red Cross, and Belgian Relief funds. The most generous were from Saskatchewan who contributed $17,257.90 of this amount, almost double the sums donated by other provinces as a whole.

Many individuals purchased war bonds. Moreover, Indian women formed Red Cross societies and Patriotic leagues on reserves, offering bandages, knitted socks, sweaters, and mufflers to soldiers. They also raised money by selling baskets and beadwork. Saskatchewan Indian women organized branches of the Red Cross at File Hills, Qu'Appelle and Pelly. The quality and workmanship of the sewing and knitting by Qu'Appelle women was described as "unsurpassed" in the province.

Public recognition of those Indian soldiers who participated in the conflict was evident when the war ended. Private George Stonefish, a sniper, received a civic reception in Chatham, Ontario upon his return. Lieutenant Albert Mountain Horse, badly gassed, who subsequently died from tuberculosis, was accorded a military funeral in Calgary, "one of the most impressive ceremonies that ever took place in that city". Most received "enthusiastic" receptions on coming back to their reserves, where memorials were sometimes constructed to commemorate the dead.

With the conclusion of the war, the federal government decided to ammend the Indian Act. Returning soldiers, Indian and non-Indian alike, were entitled to land and loans. The problem regarding Indians was that reserve land was held in common, though individuals could hold land within the reserve. The Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs was given the authority to settle Indian soldiers on reserves. These veterans were also entitled to information and assistance as specified by the Soldier Settlement Board.

But, again, the Department was further instructed to minimize the amount loaned to Indians, although officers were to ensure all individual needs were met.

This paternalism and interference of band control on reserves was resented. While non-Indian veterans had land purchased for them by the government, Indian bands were instead pressured to give up reserve lands.

Also, in order to receive the franchise an Indian had to give up his status, releasing him from all future claims on lands and funds belonging to his band. In effect, getting the vote signified an entry into white society and eventual assimilation. Little wonder that Lieutenant F. O. Loft, a Mohawk chief from Toronto, president and secretary-treasurer of the newly formed League of Indians of Canada, led a national campaign attacking these amendments to the Indian Act, particularly the conditions of franchise, which he and others were convinced would lead to the 'disintegrations' of Indian bands. Not surprisingly, few Indians availed themselves of the right to vote in years to come.

In closing, the Indian people of Canada served this country exceedingly well during World War I as they already had in the past and as they would in future years. Yet, their contribution is barely acknowledged.

As was stated by a member of the File Hills Ex-Pupil Colony following World War II: "There is no question as to the loyalty of the Indian people. They love their country, as has been proven by their responsiveness to its call in the last two years. Their numbers exceeded that of other communities in proportion to population. Of this number we shall always have the memory of those who lie in foreign fields."

While their memory remains alive among natives, unfortunately, other Canadians have forgotten and have not often reciprocated with comparable loyalty and love.

^References

^{Canada in the Great War 6 Volumes (Toronto 1917-21).
Cuthand, Stan. "The Native Peoples of the Prairie Provinces in the 1920's and 1930's" in Ian A. Getty and Donald B. Smith (eds.) One Century Later: Western Canadian Reserve Indians Since Treaty 7 (Vancouver 1978).
"(The) File Hills Ex-Pupil Colony" Saskatchewan History 6 (Spring 1953)
Goodspeed, D. G. The Road Past Vimy: The Canadian Corps, 1914-1918 (Toronto, 1969)
Opekokew, Delia. The First Nations: Indian Government and the Canadian Confederation (Saskatoon, 1980)
Report of the Deputy Superintendent General. The Indians and the Great War Sessional Papers, No.27, 1920.
Stanley, George F. C. "The Indians in the War of 1812" Canadian Historical Review, (XXXI, 1950), 145-65.
Sweeney, Alistair. Government Policy and Saskatchewan Indian Veterans: A Brief History of the Canadian Government's Treatment of Indian Veterans of the Two World Wars (Ottawa, 1979)
Wilson, Barbara M., ed. Ontario and the First World War 1914-1918 (Toronto, 1977), esp. cx-cxiv and 169-75.}

Originally published in The Army Doctrine and Training Bulletin: Canada's Professional Journal on Army Issues, Vol.3, No.3 (Fall 2000), 14-18.

The aim of this paper is to indicate a spectrum of attitudes as exhibited by status Indian communities and individual Aboriginal persons in Canada in response to perceived challenges and opportunities arising from Canada's involvement in the First and Second World Wars.¹ It is anticipated that a familiarity with Canadian Aboriginal issues will become an added feature in the professional knowledge of Canadian Forces (CF) personnel. This is in view of further likely domestic operations within Canada including provision of Aid to the Civil Power; and in view of the continued expansion of Reserve programs such as the Canadian Rangers, and current Regular Force recruitment initiatives including the CF Aboriginal Entry Program and the Sergeant Tommy Prince Army Training Initiative. Insofar as CF personnel will be dealing with First Nations constituencies within these contexts, it is appropriate they further their knowledge of First Nations socio-political and historical issues pertaining to military affairs in Canada.

Aboriginal communities across many parts of Canada have a tradition of military service in support of the Crown during conflict and war. However, this service has never been unconditional, nor without complication or controversy for those First Nations individuals and communities concerned. For status Indian people in Canada, the question of participation or non-participation in the two World Wars was divisive within Indian reserve communities and in some cases among individual families. The legacies of these divisions continue to be felt in some communities today.

A detailed history of Aboriginal/European relations is beyond the scope of this paper. However, initial periods of First Nations/European contact across what is now eastern North America may be characterized in terms approaching relative equality. During peacetime the European powers involved (prior to 1664 including the English, French and Dutch) were interested in maintaining the cooperation of their First Nations counterparts in pursuit of joint economic projects, principally those involving the fur trade, the success of which was largely dependent upon indigenous labour. In wartime, these same powers sought to secure the active support of their First Nations opposites as military allies, or to secure from them guarantees of neutrality.

Throughout this period, known historically as the era of the peace and friendship treaties, issues of land cession and surrender were typically not a feature of negotiations entered into between First Nations and imperial or colonial governments. For example, a peace and friendship treaty signed on March 10, 1760 provides the historical basis upon which the controversial decision in the Marshall Aboriginal fishing rights case rests. It was negotiated between the Crown and Mi'kmaq leadership during the several months following the fall of the French at Louisbourg (June 1759) and Quebec (September 1759), but fully three years in advance of the final cessation of hostilities between the English and the French with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763. This particular treaty thus came into being during a time in which the Crown was actively courting the favour of the Mi'kmaq, who were previously allied with the French. This treaty's context was thus very much one of mutual advantage and conciliation between Mi'kmaq and Crown interests, precisely at a time when the British were attempting to consolidate and entrench their hegemony across the Maritimes.

In the absence of such alliances particular coalitions of First Nations, acting under astute political and military leadership (often combined in the person of a single charismatic individual), were prepared to orchestrate events such that new circumstances more agreeable to their own immmediate interests might be secured. Pontiac, an Odawa war leader formerly aligned with the French, united numerous First Nations to wage guerrilla war against British-held posts across the eastern Great Lakes region and the Ohio River valley throughout the summer and autumn of 1763. This was in the immediate aftermath of the demise of the regime of New France with the signing of the Treaty of Paris, and at a time when it was becoming clear to those First Nations previously aligned with the French that the British did not intend to assume the same relatively liberal approach to First Nations trade and sovereignty issues that the French had pursued. Pontiac's actions in consequence were partly responsible for the British implementation of the Royal Proclamation of October 7, 1763 by which the Crown sought inter alia to establish a policy mechanism whereby a formalized system of negotiating land transactions between First Nations interests and Crown authority might be established.

The Royal Proclamation remains foundational to any discussion of Aboriginal rights, land claims, and the Aboriginal law of Canada. The late Bora Laskin, former chief justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, described its significance most dramatically when he wrote, "This Proclamation was an Executive Order having the force and effect of an Act of Parliament and was described ...as the 'Indian Bill of Rights'. Its force as a statute is analogous to the status of Magna Carta ...".² The Royal Proclamation meanwhile has been constitutionally enshrined by virtue of its reference in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms at s. 25, within the Constitution Act, 1982. Thus its impact continues to be felt to this day, representing to some First Nations the Crown's historic recognition of their status as sovereign independent nations. In Canadian courts, it represents acknowledgement of Canada's fiduciary obligations and special trust relationship toward First Nations interests as the British Crown's modern successor in North America.

Thus from the mid-17th through early 19th centuries successive military alliances of particular First Nations with their respective European and colonial counterparts played a role in determining a balance of power which would ultimately result in the formation and subsequent development of the modern Canadian and American nation states as they exist today. Throughout this era what essentially were First Nations armies under First Nations leadership could be mobilized to serve alongside European and colonial allies in the field in pursuit of joint military-strategic objectives. In the absence of such alliances, First Nations were - for a period of time - capable of prosecuting total warfare or warfare with limited objectives on their own behalf.

Strategic alliances, however, between European-colonial powers, and First Nations acting under charismatic indigenous leadership, were more common. The Mohawk war captain Thayendanega or Joseph Brant was a staunch ally to the British throughout the American Revolution and beyond. The Shawnee leader Tecumseh organized and led a broad coalition of First Nations forces who fought alongside the British against the Americans during the War of 1812. John Norton, Joseph Brant's own chosen successor at the Six Nations of the Grand River territory, led guerrilla bands and irregular forces of Grand River warriors across the Detroit and Niagara frontiers alongside the British throughout 1812-1814.

It is significant that from 1755 until 1830, a branch of the British Army known as the Indian Department was responsible for the Crown's administration of Indian affairs in North America. With the resolution across North America of successive power struggles between various imperial regimes and their successor states; with the diminishment of the fur trade as a foundation of the North American economy; and with enormous Aboriginal population declines concomitant with exponential increases in European immigration, the support of the First Nations across eastern North America was no longer required in various endeavours as it once had been, whether in military or economic terms. In effect First Nations had ceased being regarded as potential military allies or trade partners and increasingly were seen as economic liabilities and as impediments to territorial development and expansion. By 1830 the administration of Indian affairs in British North America passed from military control to civil authority.

It was at this time that the assimilation of Aboriginal populations (entailing their Christian religious conversion and elimination of distinctive cultural patterns), and the attainment of First Nations lands, became the objective of colonial and subsequently dominion Indian policy. In a departure from the former practice of negotiating peace & friendship treaties, a new policy of concluding land cession & surrender treaties was initiated. This new policy approach was formalized in present-day Ontario as early as 1850 with the negotiation of the Robinson-Huron and Robinson-Superior Treaties that year. West of the Great Lakes it was entrenched by 1871, and from 1871 through 1921 Numbered Treaties 1 to 11 were concluded across the present-day prairie provinces and much of the Yukon and NWT. These treaties typically provided for the cession and surrender of First Nations traditional territories and hunting grounds in exchange for promises of reserved lands and the payment of certain considerations either as lump-sum monetary payments or in other cases as fixed annuities.

With the coming of Confederation, section 91(24) of the Constitution Act 1867 provided the federal level of government with authority over "... Indians and lands Reserved for Indians ...". This federal authority was codified in 1876 with the passage of the first consolidated Indian Act. Prior to this time separate pieces of colonial legislation provided a policy framework for the administration of Indian affairs within the respective provinces. The notion of "Indian status" was first introduced in Lower Canada (Canada East) as early as 1850, with the passage of "An Act ... for the better protection of the Land and Property of Indians in Lower Canada". This Act contained the first legal definition of who was to be considered an "Indian" from the perspective of government.³

By the mid-19th century the fortunes and prospects of First Nations communities across the central and eastern portions of British North America had changed dramatically. No longer in a position during time of conflict to mobilize under their own indigenous leadership, by the dawn of the 20th century First Nations persons resolving to demonstrate their communities' continuing allegiance to Crown military authority were compelled to do so through enlistment as individual service personnel in the armed forces of the Canadian dominion.

In socio-political terms, as across the entire range of all Aboriginal dealings with successive European, colonial and national governments, so too in regard to military affairs did First Nations pursue different courses of action in response to the challenges and opportunities posed by the realities of armed conflict. These ranged from that historical era during which the various European and colonial powers actively courted the assistance of particular First Nations as full allies in pursuit of joint military-strategic objectives, to the modern wars of the 20th century. In either instance, while many Aboriginal persons - both women and men - made collective or individual decisions to support the warfighting efforts, either through activities on the homefront or as warrior participants, other communities and individuals espoused carefully reasoned arguments in justification of their stances of neutrality or non-involvement.

During both World Wars the Crown considered all Aboriginal people in Canada as British subjects, the ambiguity of their actual citizenship status within the Canadian dominion notwithstanding.⁴ However, some First Nations maintained that prior treaties or other agreements with the Crown, and the force and effect of the federal Indian Act legislation of the era, combined to exempt their band members from compulsory military duty. Others felt that their voluntary participation in the war effort would enhance their claims toward full citizenship and legal equality in Canada come peacetime. In any event the more draconian aspects of the Indian Act, including bans on political organization, traditional spirituality, and restrictions on off-reserve travel, were removed by 1951. The legal right to vote without penalty in federal elections was ultimately extended to all status Indians in Canada in 1960.

During the First World War the leadership of particular First Nations communities objected to the activities of recruiters on reserve lands and opposed the attempted conscription of band members under the Military Service Act of 1917. ⁵ During the Second World War, the political organization le Comité de Protection operating out of the Huron reserve near Quebec City maintained that Indians were exempt from service under the wartime National Resources Mobilization Act by virtue of their inferior citizenship status under the Indian Act, and in view of their sovereignty as they inferred it from their interpretation of the Royal Proclamation of 1763. Other communities in northern Ontario claimed similar exemptions under the 1850 Robinson-Huron and Robinson-Superior Treaties. ⁶

Of those who did participate in 20th century war efforts, the service records of many First Nations individuals and Indian reserve communities are impressive. By the closing months of the Second World War (i.e January, 1945) the Indian Affairs branch issued a directive exempting prairie and northern status Indians covered by Treaties 3, 6, 8 and 11 from overseas service. However, by this relatively late date in the conflict no fewer than 324 men from the various bands signatory to these treaties had already enlisted. ⁷ Oral testimony from the Golden Lake Reserve in eastern Ontario maintains that of the reserve's entire able-bodied male population eligible for service during the Second World War, all but three volunteered for duty. The First World War record of the Six Nations of the Grand River Reserve near Brantford, Ontario is likewise notable. Of a total reserve population of approximately 4,500 in 1914, 292 men and 1 woman (a nurse with the Army Nurse Corps of the American Expeditionary Force) voluntarily enlisted for duty overseas. The majority of these were posted to the largely status Indian 107th and 114th Battalions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force. Of these, 29 were killed in action, 5 died of wounds or illness, one became of prisoner of war, and one was reported missing.⁸ These figures notwithstanding, the issue as to whether or not band members would participate in the war effort was divisive within the community, and indeed the political legacy and ramifications of individual and family decisions taken to serve during 1914-1918 are felt to this day.

The experiences of individual First Nations servicemen and women during their recruitment and upon their release varied greatly. As indicated above, during the First World at least two battalions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force were raised largely among status Indian communities. ⁹ During the Second World War, both the RCAF and RCN for the first part of the conflict maintained racially-based recruitment policies. Although these were removed from both branches by 1943, they had the net effect of placing (with exceptions) the majority of Aboriginal volunteers in the army. ¹⁰ Confusions during the Second World War both on the part of Indian Affairs officials and service recruiters as to the implications of the Indian Act for potential status Indian volunteers further complicated matters.

In some instances status Indian volunteers were told they could not be commissioned or even enlist, and still hold legal status as Indians under the Indian Act. In other instances upon their return to Canada, newly repatriated Indian veterans were told that because of their ambiguous citizenship and legal status under the Act, they were ineligible to receive veterans benefits, or that they would have to renounce their Indian status in order to apply. In yet other instances veterans returned home to find that in their absence their regional Indian agents had arbitrarily removed their names from their Indian reserve band lists. In some cases after the First World War, agricultural lands were made available for farming by veterans under the terms of the Soldier Settlement Act, but at the expense of expropriating the land from Indian reserve allotments. Similar problems were encountered post-Second World War in relation to the Veterans' Land Act. ¹¹ During the Second World War, Indian reserve lands in some instances were expropriated by the federal government for use as military training and proving grounds.

These issues aside, as a function of their wartime and overseas service, many Aboriginal people had the experience of leaving their home communities for the first time in their lives and encountering not only non-Aboriginal people, but also other Aboriginals from other areas of the country. Often friendships formed with other Aboriginals while in training and overseas were instrumental after the Wars in facilitating the organization of some of the first Aboriginal political organizations. Approximately 4000 status Indians (and an unrecorded number of Metis, non-status and Inuit) volunteered for service during the First World War. Status Indian enlistments for the Second World War are recorded at 3090. ¹² In 1919 newly returned Mohawk war veteran Fred Loft, from the Six Nations Reserve, founded the first national Aboriginal political organization in Canada, the League of Indians of Canada. In 1927, partly in response to the activism exhibited by organizations such as the League of Indians of Canada, amendments to the federal Indian Act made it illegal for status Indians to organize politically, or to retain legal counsel in pursuit of claims against the government. Like the bans on traditional spiritual activity, such restrictions were to remain in force until 1951.

There is research to indicate that in both World Wars Aboriginal Canadians volunteered for military service in proportionally greater numbers than the rest of the Canadian population at large. Aboriginal veterans and their supporters were vocal in demanding an improved situation for themselves and their communities in post-War Canadian society. After having fought overseas to defend the human rights and sovereignty of Allied nations abroad, Aboriginal veterans, their families and their communities began to question with renewed vigour their own inferior citizenship and legal status within Canada. When the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights was proclaimed in 1948, many of its provisions could not be said to apply to Aboriginal peoples in Canada.

From 1946 through 1948 the "Special Parliamentary Committee on Postwar Reconstruction and Re-establishment" and "Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons Appointed to Examine and Consider the Indian Act" heard submissions from many status Indian persons and organizations, including Indian veterans. ¹³ Such committees and increasing media exposure helped focus public attention on the circumstances of Aboriginal peoples in Canada in the post-War era. Many returned veterans assumed leadership roles within their own communities or within the fledgling Aboriginal political organizations. Some pursued opportunities within the public service.

From the mid-1940s to the present, Aboriginal Canadian political, cultural and social activists and leaders, many of them veterans, have been at the forefront of challenging the Canadian status quo relative to the treatment of Aboriginal peoples in this country in ways that have directly contributed to developments and refinements within our legal system. These have advanced our understanding of civil and human rights, and have resulted in a more pluralistic and democratic social fabric and civil society from from which all Canadian have benefited, and which have contributed to Canada's profile and reputation abroad. It is significant that within Aboriginal communties today, whether on November 11 or otherwise, when homage is paid to surviving veterans and the fallen, the emphasis is not so much upon the fact of their overseas service and sacrifice, as upon their contributions within their respective communities at home. ¹⁴